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? he said i am very familiar with the literature on second-term overreach. we both loved lyndon johnson. i don't think he ever read two words on second-term overreach. probably should have. but the point is that he is very aware of what has gone before and he knows that if you don't read all these books about previous presidents, previous leaders, really in world history, you're limiting yourself to yore own personal experience and that is pretty bad. >> is there a particular president, doris, with whom this president identifies the most or respects the most? >> well, i think when he first came into office, obviously, lincoln mattered a great deal to him. i mean, in part probably because the emancipation proclamation, the end of slavery, and he's the first african-american president, almost like closing that circle. but i think as his term went on he was reading about franklin roosevelt, teld di roosevelt. i think there's a sense when the problems change the president that you look back to changes as well. otherwise, we historians would be useful if we didn't help other know what i mean
brother showing up. >> exactly. >> who are these half brothers. with billy carter you had. johnson had samuel johnson, the estranged brothers. we're lucky he doesn't have any strange family aspect. >> well, he does. >> not in this country. >> in kenya. >> a new rule for families. thank you, eugene robinson, for that joy. joy reid, michael steele. howard fineman and i'll be right back with another hour live edition of "hardball." "politics nation" with al sharpton starts right now. >> thanks, krischris, and thank you for tuning in. we're covering this amazing, historic day in washington. the inauguration of barack obama as our president. right now, the president and the vice president are watching the inaugural parade with groups from all over the country going by and standing in front of the white house. just moments ago, the airmen passed by and got a standing ovation. earlier today, the president gave his second inaugural address, a stirring, passionate call for equality and fairness. forging a more perfect union and helping the country live up to the meaning of its creed. >> we, the
-- johnson says to bush what are you doing here? bush he said, we just want to pay our respects. johnson was advising bush for the next couple of years about whether or not to run for office. johnson's the one who when bush was going to run for the senate he said what's the difference between the house and the senate? he said what's the difference between chicken and chicken salad? can you imagine now a republican congressman from houston going to see off a democratic president out of respect? >> especially mika the inauguration of a newly elected president in your party when everybody is most excited to elbow their way to the front. for george h.w. bush that's a great example. another great example, william f. buckley. he had liberal friends. in fact, he campaigned for liberals that were his friends even though he knew it upset some on the conservative side. for william f. buckley, it wasn't a blood sport. >> to end this block, to counter it just a bit, and i'm sorry but it has the added value of being true, the president does need to reach out.agree. but he has, an
or johnson about the great society. i don't think everything he addressed yesterday was about everything he wanted to legislate, about where he sees the country going, his vision. >> an eye towards history. >> i think that's how he saw the inaugural address and he effectively did it. i think his specific of the next four years is the state of the union and his vision of "i had a cream." >> and what you said in the white house was illuminating. >> while you're drinking, everything i said was illuminating. >> amen. don't you wish that people in the pews could be drinking on those days? even your worst sermon would sound good. >> you described the president as relieved. i think we saw the president saying, what he's wanted to say for 10 years. and republicans as a result, really back on their heels. republicans now may not get anything from this president in the next three clips. this is not a president who's getting ready to cave or to make a deal with them. starting tomorrow, they're going to try to get back on the offensive. tomorrow, they're going to introduce their bill, vote on their bil
biography of johnson. they're talking about how big to be on civil rights and one of the so-called wise men goes to johnson and basically said that's not practical. it's a worthy cause but it's a lost cause. and johnson turns around and goes, what the hell's the presidency for? i actually thought yesterday was an interesting day. it was one of the days where compare it, say, to health care. this was a big idea and the president went out there with an ambitious proposal. the question, though, in american politics now is whether he can match the intensity of the nra. what matters is not simply 60/40, 70/30 in polls. you know that. can he mobilize on a sustained basis? people who really care about this issue? >> and this is another reason why it's such a game changer because so many people have been engaged by the sandy hook massacre, whatever the nra spins, people that want sensible gun safety laws are going to spend three, four, five times as much. mika, also the argument that there's a slippery slope and if you get rid of these military-style assault weapons and the magazines, the high-capa
1965 we saw that shift over to the republican party. they say that in 1965 when president johnson signed the voting rights act, he turned to bill morris' aide and said i believe we have lost the south to the republicans for a very long time. so case in point. we have seen that previously conservative element that was part of the democratic south go to the republican party. changing houses. and at the same time the other shift we're seeing is in the implicit nature of intolerance. so previously we saw explicit intolerance in terms of lynches and poll taxes. but today it's about lazy. it's about being shucking and jiving. and in regards to latinos, it's about being illegal. so we're seeing intolerance repackaged and in a new home. >> well, and i think johnson said we've lost it to the south i think it was 20 years he said we're at 28 now. since he said that. but jonathan, when you look at the fact that -- and you wrote about the general powell's warning. when you look back to 2008, the ugly rhetoric had started. listen to this and watch this. >> our opponent is someone who sees amer
's package. max baucus of montana, senator heidi heitkamp of north dakota, senator johnson of south dakota. senator donnelley of i7d ind. senator begich of alaska, senator manchin of west virginia, senator tester of montana. however, senator mark warner spoke out in favor of the president's plan and said he believes it has bipartisan support. those senators all have a or a-plus ratings from the national rifle association. reid has a b rating. these senators know they will lose their high rating and maybe become a target with the nra if they vote for a sensible assault weapons ban. you see, we had the assault weapons ban back in 1994, but we're so screwed up in washington right now they're even afraid to go back to that. every senator should explain to their constituency why they would not cast a vote for the assault weapons ban. what's the holdup? what are you afraid of? certainly it's not the nra. these senators should not fear the national rifle association. the nra didn't affect any races in the last election cycle and it probably won't do it the next time around. now, if senate democra
congressman dan johnson. good to have you with me this saturday. >> thank you for having me. >> the republican plan is coupled with a no budget, no-pay provision aimed at forcing the senate to pass the budget before an april deadline. if no budget is passed, members of congress, including yourself, don't get paid. what do you think about that proposal? >> well, you know, we have an issue with republicans who can't even control the members in their own caucus thinking that they can control proceedings in the senate and also the president enforced those to do what they want to have done and so they are trying to postpone the day of reckoning basically, for two months and i don't think the scheme is going work. >> so you don't support any part of that proposal? >> well, i mean, if we have a clean debt ceiling bill that comes forward and it's only for three months, that's something that i certainly would consider, but to tie a rise in the debt ceiling to decreasing spending on programs that benefit the middle class, i think it's the republicans' ultimate objective and i certainly do not support th
. johnson & johnson and verizon are a little bit weaker, but five-year highs. we'll see if the market can hold on to this. chris, back to you. >> thank you, becky. >>> next, a small state's big push for gun reform. delaware attorney general beau biden will be here next to talk about the lessons that his state is learning from the tragedy in newtown, connecticut. >>> plus, biding his time? new signs the vice president is making plans to be back on inaugural podium in four years, this time in a little bit different role. could the third time be the charm for joe biden? >>> but first, a look ahead at the president's schedule. as peter mentioned, he will be attending the national prayer service this morning and then the staff ball later this evening. you're watching "the daily rundown." it is only on msnbc. at a dry cleaner, we replaced people with a machine. what? customers didn't like it. so why do banks do it? hello? hello?! if your bank doesn't let you talk to a real person 24/7, you need an ally. hello? ally bank. your money needs an ally. when i first felt the diabetic nerve pain, of co
to 2008 comes from a state of the sun belt, lyndon johnson, texas. richmond nixon, california. gerald ford, was not elected. so he doesn't count. he was from michigan. jimmy carter from georgia. ronald reagan from california. the first george bush from texas via connecticut. bill clinton from arkansas and the second bush from texas. so 2008 in some ways watershed election. ends the 40-year period of sun belt dominance. and there were issues that were critical in the politics that developed, that came out of the sun belt. they tended to have a conservative cast to them. tended to be oriented around issues of strong national defense, of an opposition to unions and a defense of free enterprise politics. and also it's in the sun belt in the south and southwest, that we see the rise of what -- by the 1970s we'll be talk about as the religious right. the rise of evangelical involvement in the process. so national defense, he was a staunch anticommunist and played an important role in right wing anticommunist politics in the late 1960s, one of the things that led him to switch parties in 1964. he
in and attacked that. now, in my opinion that wasn't partisan. it was his vision of america. as lyndon johnson had a vision of the great society. it wasn't anti-republican. it was his vision. john kennedy, the new frontier. i think the president from the way i was taking it was saying i think b this is the vision america needs to go in. but it wasn't for just four years. he said we're not talking four months, four years, or 400 years. >> that's exactly right. and you played the clip talking about how the social safety net allows us to take risks and not fear the failure. other countries don't have that. i spent a lot of time in india where there was such a fear of taking on new initiatives and being entrepreneurial because there wasn't that same safety net in place. that is the progressive vision. let's be real. paul ryan, here's a guy who supports privatizing social security, voucherizing medicare. so the president is not putting up a strawman argument. these are exactly the principles that republicans support. and also republicans have never been comfortable with social security and medicare. th
from new hampshire, johnson and washington bureau chief susan page and congressman from maryland and former naacp president. welcome all of you. >> thank you. >> i want to start with guns. congressman. do you think -- were you surprised that the president went as big as he did? of course i really wasn't. the president got elected after a long, tough struggle to put forth a vision. i think this is the first part of the vision. i don't think it was planned. i think what happened in the tragedy here kind of spurred him in that direction. and you know, this use of executive order as we have seen since 1933 when fdr first went to the congress and asked for those powers. so they have been around. this is a bold effort. and i think he did so many executive orders, simply to try to increase some of the pressure on the congress and on others. >> in 1994, you had a hard time getting this done and you had democratic congress. john, you're from a state, live free or die. even if you're a democrat or republican, you're unified when it comes to all things guns. is there any part of this you th
that polarization? >> you know what, lyndon johnson opened up the war on immigration in appalachia. most poor people are white, female and young, and black and brown hunger hurts. 50 million, these people are malnourished, homeless or wandering. they're unbankable, therefore they're driven into expensive loan arrangements. they are poor. they cannot send their children to school. they cannot dream. 50 million more very close to them, this impact of growing poverty and racial polarization and violence is a hell of a combination, and i would think that now we must in substance take a hard look at poverty. and some plan for economic reconstruction. look at places like inglewood, the president organized, london or austin, 45% unemployment. 50% unemployment. must be some targeted jobs planning and, of course, it's cheaper to educate than incarcerate. >> i remember most poignant memories about election night was a picture of you with tears streaming down your cheeks there in grand park, and i'm wondering if you have the same sort of combination of joy and hope that that expressed to me about the next four
in these four years, j. johnson at the pentagon gave a speech saying we need to think about when we bring the war on terror to a close. when is it over? >> it's never over. >> that is the problem. we had a person on the program who is the only one to vote against the use of military force. it's the document from which all authority flows. she is proposing we repeal that operation. we are out of afghanistan. osama bin laden is dead. al qaeda is the al qaeda that attacked us has been destroyed. >> if you do it and there's an attack on american soil then you are the president who ended the war on terror. this is a president of any ideology, of any party. >> 1,000% the problem. >> yeah. >> you are taking on tremendous political risk. the reason they endure is because part of the calculation is that. if you are the one -- this is true about guantanamo. if they had closed guantanamo and took the right position to close it. it's not closed because of congressional opposition. if you close it and god forbid someone who is a guantanamo deta detainee, the political blowback would be insane. it's no
-- lyndon johnson filed it once in his six years. i filed it 390 some odd times. so we've got to change that. if you invoke that on a piece of legislation, people get 30 hours to sit around and do nothing. i want to get rid of that. i think we should not have the 30-hours post. and i think that we have to make sure that on a regular piece of legislation, if somebody wants to continue objecting to it after it's been invoked they should have to stand and talk. there should be a talking filibuster. >> okay. so there's -- can you explain this 30-hour thing? i think that -- in the grand scheme of things is the most egregious which is, you know, filibustering the motion to proceed and then, there's this weird kind of period after you filibuster with motion to proceed where it's mandated no one can do anything? >> well, there are two familiar low periods. first is when eye file the 16 senators file a motion that moves towards kloture and that's two full working days and then you have the vote and if you achieve, you're cutting off debate, then there's a 30-hour period that follows after that. and t
that you mentioned, but lyndon baines johnson and other presidents that in the second term things happen o outside of their reach, and he needs to be cognizant of history. >> thank you both for being here in person. >> happy inauguration. >> and yes. nice glasses. did you get them just for the inauguration. >> no, i didn't, but thank you. >> let's get going on the hearings and benghazi that are going to be happening this week, and congresswoman karen bass sits on the house foreign relations committee that will hear secretary clinton's testimony and joining me live now. always a pleasure, congresswoman. >> thank you. thanks for having me on. >> both of the senate and the house will hear from secretary clinton for the first time on benghazi, and what do you want to hear from secretary clinton? >> well, first of all, it is number one, good to see her and wish her the best. i am glad to know that she is feeling better, but i have to tell you that the state department has already put out a report that has identified 29 areas of recommendations, and we did have a hearing on benghazi just a few w
of war is -- jay johnson, the general kuns counsel of the pentagon, gave a speech about thinking about ending that war. we think about iraq and afghanistan. the hot wars. boots on the grounds wars. the broader framework of war under which we labor through the amf i agree with you the odds are slim that we're going to see a repeal of that, an end to that, but i think it's a place for the conversation to go in the second term as the president headed towards withdrawal with afghanistan and the physical presence we have of u.s. soldiers. >> as we start to understand what an obama foreign policy is. i mean, you look back at the first inaugural just compared with the second inaugural address. the first inaugural address was about ending the era of bush and cheney. that's really what it was about. it was about we're going to do this in i different way. if you unclench your fist. it's a different time now. he has to figure out what he is going to do affirmatively, not in reaction to the way somebody else did it that he disapproved of. >> look at the change in personnel. to go from gates to hil
Search Results 0 to 27 of about 28 (some duplicates have been removed)

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